The Haitian “Brain Drain” and an Interview with a Member of the Diaspora--January 2019

 

(Photo by John Carroll)

“Haiti, that unstable country of failed opportunities, drives his sons toward the exit, therefore, it can but suffer from that brain drain. From the Duvalier dictatorships to the deadly events of 12 January 2010 (the epic Haitian earthquake), not to mention the 1991 coup d’etat (President Aristide), our country has deterred tens of thousands of families with specific skills from staying.”

The above paragraph is from the book: “Haiti has chosen to become a poor country: The twenty reasons that prove it”, by Etzer S. Émile.

Over a decade ago, while visiting a well-known hospital in Port-au-Prince, I remember speaking to the hospital’s administrator in his office. At the end of our conversation, he indicated that he wanted to talk to me more privately in another location away from his office. He pointed to the back steps and we headed up the stairs. In the middle of the landing, he stopped and asked me if I could get him a visa to live in the United States. I stared at him and recognized how serious he was with his request. I could tell this man wanted to get out and not come back.

The brain drain continues to this day in Haiti. Haiti ranks at the top of the list of countries with the highest number of educated citizens living abroad. I often ask myself what I would do if I were Haitian? Honestly, I would probably want to leave Haiti also.

Nearly two million Haitians live abroad and are referred to as the Haitian diaspora. Most of them live in the United States and the Dominican Republic. French-speaking countries such as Canada and France also host thousands of Haitian citizens. In modern times, large-scale emigration from Haiti has been composed of large numbers of people escaping the Duvaliers political repression and the problematic decades that followed.

Haitians living abroad do not lose their connection to the country. Data from the World Bank states that in the year 2017, the Haitian diaspora sent $2.4 billion in remittances to Haiti, equivalent to a quarter of the country’s GDP. In fact, Haiti’s diaspora is the country’s primary source of revenue.

However, Etzer writes this about the money flowing back into Haiti from the diaspora—

“In 2016, Haiti stood fifth in the world regarding the proportion of GDP dependent on direct money transfers from abroad (25% of GDP), behind Kirghizistan (26%), Tadjikistan (29%), Liberia (31%) and Nepal (32%). Conversely, in the case of the Dominican Republic, these transfers only represent 5% of GDP owing to a more diversified economy which can thus rely on other more lucrative forms of income. In Haiti, more than 30% of families receive transfers from the diaspora every month. According to the results of a study conducted in 2006 by the Multilateral Investment Fund (FOMIN), only 23% of the total funds from these transfers are used for investment, while the rest is used to buy consumer goods, or to pay for tuition fees, housing, health or leisure expenses. Knowing that 60% of the goods that we consume come from abroad, we believe that we are entirely accurate in saying that money transfers are mainly used to buy imported goods. In other words, far from financing productive activities, transfers from the diaspora are used to finance Haitian imports, which, in turn, keep widening the trade deficit and accelerating the depreciation of the gourde, thereby reducing the purchasing power of the greater part of the population.”

Etzer continues—

“Moreover, people in the productive labor force tend to limit their participation in the labor market owing to these money transfers which could even encourage some people to avoid working for a living altogether. Haiti will not overcome such appalling poverty, even a substantial increase in transfers from the diaspora, if the funds are not channeled into the formal financial system and if they cannot finance wealth-generating economic activity.”

I know many Haitians who regularly send money back to their family in Haiti. And Haitian Hearts frequently sends money to our patients and their families. They need money for daily essentials— food, water, rent, and school tuition and material. And when they have babies or become ill, they need local medical care. So if we are to believe Etzer (and I do), we are sending money to the informal sector in Haiti which helps people we know quite well for that day. But on a large scale our actions reduce the purchasing power of the greater population and makes poverty all the worse. But like I said, we KNOW our patients and their families, not as numbers in a population, but as human beings. It is quite hard to turn our back.

So what can the Haitian diaspora do to improve all of Haiti?

Michelet Nestor, a Haitian entrepreneur and Presidential candidate in 2015, wrote this in 2018 in Haiti Liberte:

“We propose a law that promotes the diaspora’s investment in infrastructure projects that Haiti so badly needs. Joint ventures or private capital could advance aqueducts, electrical systems, and roads to improve the quality of public services.” (On August 9, 2018, as voting for Haiti’s legislative elections was underway, Mr. Nestor was attacked by three assailants outside a polling station in the capital of Port-au-Prince. He was treated in a local hospital and survived.)

Mr. Nestor also believes that it is necessary to advance laws that promote greater integration of the diaspora with Haiti. He advocates for a law that would allow dual citizenship and thus allows diaspora members to exercise their political rights, such as voting. There are many countries in the region that allow their residents abroad to vote as a participation mechanism in their politics.

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I sent a questionnaire to a member of the Haitian diaspora living in the United States. She was kind enough to respond. I have protected her anonymity and refer to her as “D”.

 

JC-Why did you leave Haiti? Did you leave with family members? And how long have you lived in the States?

D-I left Haiti as a minor with my parents and siblings in the early 1970s. My parents wanted to provide their 7 children the opportunity for a better life.

 

JC-What would Haiti have to do for you to return?

D-First and foremost security provided and maintained by elected officials. I didn’t go back to Haiti for 36 years because of fear. With security, the rest would come such as investment, job creation, tourism, recreational activities.

 

JC-How has Haiti changed the most since you left?

D-I lived in Haiti under the Duvalier regime. Even though it was oppressive there was law and order.

 

JC-All countries have problems. What do you think is Haiti’s biggest problem? And what would you do to try and correct it if you could?

D-Haiti’s biggest problems are caused by the international community– particularly the U.S. Haiti has become a welfare state. The NGOs took over just about all the sectors of the economy– education, medical, agricultural and infrastructure. In other words, they are doing the work of the government. The Haitian people seem to no longer understand that their government owes them certain basic services. They rely totally on NGOs. I would get rid of most NGOs and let Haitians revolt for change and demand answers from their government.

 

JC-What saddens you most about Haiti? Where do you see optimism when you consider Haiti?

D-I attended public school in the 1960s and was prepared to continue high school in the US and go to college. Now the Haitian people are illiterate. The few who can afford to pay for subpar private schools still can’t function in today’s environment. We’re losing generations of Haitians. It’s very hard to see anything hopeful/optimistic in the current situation in Haiti. That saddens me a great deal.

 

JC-Approximately 2 million Haitians live outside of Haiti. Can the Haitian diaspora vote in Haitian elections?

D–The Haitian diaspora CANNOT vote in Haiti.

 

JC-How can the Haitian diaspora help Haiti make meaningful changes?

D-They need to stop sending money to Haiti for at least a month or two to force the people to take to the streets and DEMAND reform. At the end of the day, Haitians don’t want the diaspora to come and bring their expertise to make meaningful changes in Haiti. I know many who have tried and been chased out of Haiti with the message: Send us money but stay away.

John, I know this may sound harsh but that’s how I feel based on what I have experienced during my trips there. The begging, the expectations, the entitlement, the anger when they don’t get what they asked for. We Haitians see it more than foreigners would. That’s why more Haitians are victims of crimes.

Here’s a true story. In 2009, I was in Haiti and met with a diaspora friend who had relocated and opened two businesses in Haiti. One in PAP, the other in Jacmel. He could hardly find people to work. (Imagine that in a country with over 50% unemployment.)

The store in Jacmel was managed by a young Haitian woman and he paid her in US$ generously. When she failed to open the store for 3 days, prospective customers called him in PAP to let him know. When he finally got her on the phone she said. “I quit. You expect me to show up for work 5 days a week. I can make that money in one day by calling a couple of diaspora.”

My diaspora friend told me, “D, the diaspora and the NGOs who give for free without asking for anything have created a parasitic society in Haiti.”

I’ve heard many similar stories from others.

(End of interview)

John A. Carroll, MD

www.haitianhearts.org